The Origins: Orang Asli
The Untold Story
While we bask in the comforts of privileges, the peripheral Orang Asli communities require empowerment, reclamation and justice.
INTRODUCTION
Indigenous peoples subsist globally with rich cultural preservation and vulnerability towards colonialism and globalism. Orang Asli — known as “original person/people” — are the natives of Malaysian soil with a shrinking population valued at 210,000 approximately, contributing to 0.7% of Malaysia’s population (inclusive of the 18 indigenous subgroups). Despite its indeterminate notions of migration and emergence, some scientists believe that Orang Asli emanated from India 42,000 to 63,000 years ago (Bedford 2018). On the contrary, anthropological research and speculations have identified Orang Asli origins from China and/or Tibet (Ismail, Masami & Masron n.d.). Very little information is confirmed or previously researched on the Orang Asli as noted through inadequate accounts written by the British colonizers; selective and general information were written; assumably information that instilled culture shock or an observable indifference of culture were notable enough for documentation — such as women being “topless” (Baer 2012). Ultimately, the aboriginal, peripheral community of settlers were marginalised by European colonizers and Malay allies (Lye 2011), seeking refuge and a promising sense of humanity.
ORANG ASLI
The Orang Asli have 3 subcategories: Semang, Senoi and Aboriginal Malays/Proto-Malays. The terminologies used are based on observable biological characteristics. The observations are subjected to racial stereotypes and profiling. Undoubtedly, leading to a racist and unempowering connotation to identify aboriginals (Endicott 1983).
The Semang group have been substantiated as one of the oldest civilisations — dated beyond 60,000 years of existence. Research conducted and directed by Dr. Zarafina Zainuddin has shown that Semang DNA and ancestry pre-exist longer than aboriginals in Indonesia and Australia. Biological research and genetic analysis have unravelled Semang DNA to be less maladaptive (Anonymous 2017). Due to the inability to adapt to modern society, the Semang population is highly vulnerable; subjected to extinction. Currently, the Semang population is valued less than 3,000 and continues to deplete without reformed policies, care and protection.
The Senoi community’s reputation thrives as “Dream People”. Best known for interpreting dreams, the Senoi people share close genetic inheritance with Semai people and Khmer people of Cambodia (Saha et al. 1995). Aside from prophecies and dream interpretation, the Senoi people contribute heavily to agricultural production and manufacturing products for purchase (Moss 1997). Residing primarily in mountainous regions of Perak, the collectivist community can sometimes be found in a single longhouse along with other villagers and especially extended family (Endicott 1983). The current estimated population of Senoi people is valued at 34,000.
Following the Senoi population, Proto-Malays are the second largest aboriginal group of Malaysia. Currently valued at less than 50% of Orang Asli population, they are additionally allocated to 6 respective subcategories: “Jakun, Kanaq, Kuala, Seletar, Temuan and Semelai” (Lim et al.; Ang et al., cited in Md Zain et al. 2017). Debates on whether the Proto-Malays contributed to the initial influx of migration from Africa remain. Nevertheless, genetic studies have revealed that Melayu Jawa and many Chinese Malaysians are descendants of Proto-Malays (Hatin et al. 2011). Currently, genetic research has not identified the evolution of Proto-Malays and where the community resides.
SLAVERY
Heightened in the 18th and 19th century, Orang Asli were commodities for slave trade and anthropological research by British colonies (Schertow 2007). The relationship between Orang Asli and slaves were correlated and devalorised without protection; often deemed illegitimate. Used primarily for agriculture, slavery expanded beyond physical labour to domesticated slavery and exploited at tin mines owned by Malay nobilities (Maxwell, cited in Endicott 1983). The Orang Asli were compelled to serve sultanates and monarchs as servants, security guards and/or administrators. Undoubtedly, the era of slavery unravelled 2 distinguished modes of slavery: debt-slavery and ordinary/true slavery (Endicott 1983). Debt-slavery existed between Malay nobilities and workers who were liable morally or financially; resulting in Orang Asli slaves presented as repayment (Maxwell, cited in Endicott 1938). The 20th century marked the end of slavery for the Orang Aslis despite its continuance during the British occupancy; the “Proposed Aboriginal Policy” was not adopted previously however remained as a foundation for sovereignty and human rights (Schertow 2007).
POVERTY & EDUCATION
As part of the 9th Malaysian Plan, its Economic Planning Unit (EMU) addresses welfare campaigns targeted at issues faced by poverty, and methods to eliminate poverty. Strategies behind eradicating poverty include improving the Orang Asli’s livelihood through development programs (United Nations Development Programme [UNDP] n.d.). Despite its proposals, Malaysia’s current mode of tackling poverty is counterintuitive due to its criminalised agenda; under the Destitute Persons Act, individuals experiencing poverty may be imprisoned up to 3 months (Kaur 2020), which leaves the Orang Asli extremely vulnerable to further mistreatment. Statistics from 2006 indicate that Orang Asli communities contribute to more than ⅓ of poverty rates in Malaysia (UNDP n.d.).
Eradicating poverty stems from the access to quality education. Notwithstanding the exceptional effort of integrating holistic education, and improving accessibility to learn, Orang Asli students have a high dropout rate; most of which are only educated at primary level. The ratio of Orang Asli children in primary and secondary school are 3:1 respectively (JAKOA, cited in Abdulah et al. 2019). In addition, research conducted revealed that only 2% of Orang Asli students in Kelantan have graduated from higher education (Abdullah et al. 2019).
Malaysian scholars and researchers are searching for innovative ways to prevent dropouts by assessing low performance rates, memory skills, parental support, and high absence rates. Many Orang Asli children deem themselves ineligible and too stressed to handle public school exams which have contributed heavily to dropout rates (Nor et al. 2011). Many educators have notably been underqualified as observed by the neglectful treatment towards Orang Asli students, lack of commitment in teaching and are not concerned with building relationships with respective students (Abdulah et al. 2019). The quality and consistency of providing exceptional education remain questionable due to negligence, discrimination and maltreatment of Orang Asli children. Inadequate media coverage and transparency fail to publicise 5 reported deaths of Orang Asli children — due to the fears of punishment by their teacher (Vengadesan 2019). Malaysian education continues to fail Orang Asli children with its “forced assimilation” and mistreatment (Koyok, cited in Vengadesan 2019). Our education instils nationalism yet marginalises Orang Asli communities and their culture; enforcing a subjective notion of modernity (Engi, cited in Vengadesan 2019).
WHAT CAN WE DO
- Volunteer at Orang Asli sites
- Donate money to Great Heart
- Raise awareness on social media platforms
- Provide educational resources (books and stationery)
- Donate food and basic necessities (hygienic products such as sanitary products, soaps, etc.)
- Refer to Sedunia for more information
Full research including figures and references provided upon request: work.theababani@gmail.com
